Tuesday, January 29, 2013

A conversation with Zekaryas Solomon: multi award winner fashion designer and architect, Zekaryas Solomon



 Zekaryas Solomon

Part I

Best Male Designer 2012 @ BEFFTA,
Menswear Designer of the year 2012 @ fashions Finest

First of all, congratulations on your latest awards which occurred within two weeks of each other and being named  one of "Africa's Top Ten Male Designers"

Issayas:  Would you tell us about yourself?

Zekaryas: I am a guy who was born in Eritrea and spent most of my formative years growing up in Germany. I have a very strong perfectionist professional side, tempered with a very soft fun-loving humorous nature which stands me in good stead for the demands of my chosen profession.

Issayas:  You studied architecture and fashion. Why the switch and was the switch difficult?

Zekaryas: Yes I first studied Architecture, Design and Art at University of Wuppertal, Germany and Fashion Design at London College of Fashion London, UK. Why the switch? This is a questions that I always get asked. Why from architecture to fashion? A question from an Eritrean elder man (kab engineer si nab Sarto yhaysh ilka)? If you are not happy you look always for something. After starting my job in London as design architect for an educational building, all the projects I was involved were connected to lots of problems.My job was sitting hours in the office and fixing plans which made me working so many hours, getting depressed and not having normal life. The worst thing was that I didn't feel creative at all and this made me hate my job everyday. Every morning was so hard to getting up and thinking that I have to go to the office. With support of my close friend I decided to do something that would make me happy. I wanted to do something creative. As I was doing lots of interior designing, dealing with colors and fabrics and partly styling for friends before coming to London, so I thought fashion would be something closer to what I have done and suitable for me. It certainly wasn’t the normal route that most aspiring designers would have taken.  I had always had a love for fashion and so I decided to take a short course in menswear pattern cutting, just to make sure that if I applied for the degree course, it was going to be the route that I wanted to follow. I enjoyed it so much, that I applied at the London College of Fashion with mainly my architecture portfolio and some fashion sketches. One of the question in the interview was: "Mr Solomon, you are an architect, why do you want to study fashion there are so many fashion designers out there?"  My answer was “Yes I am an architect with a passion for fashion; I want to bring both architectural and traditional backgrounds together to create modern and futuristic garments". I believe that I explained my concepts and vision so well that they understood, given my limited experience with pattern cutting and garment technology.








Logo : Zekaryas Solomon



















NAM's Africa's Top 10 Male Fashion Designers.
Zekaryas Solomon in the middle.

Issayas: In broad terms, cultural elements such as food, cloth, drink, etc. are considered part of soft power. Your products are a great example of Eritrea's soft power. I use your work as an example when I talk to Eritrean audiences about soft power. Do you put Eritrean cultural elements in your fashion design? Why is it important for you as a fashion designer to do that?

Zekaryas: My designs, specially the baggy trousers are inspired by my traditional and professional backgrounds. The design was taken from Eritrean heritage, re-interpreting traditional costumes with a futuristic, functional edge and also, being trained originally as an architect; the clean lines and impeccable structure is evident in my designs. With the architectural cut and adding special detail like the military styled buttons. It's very important for me to reflect my tradition and identity and the way using traditional attire and make them wearable for everyone.




























































































Issayas:  You have your models wear Shidas (sandals worn by Eritrean fighters for independence and a symbol of Eritrean resistance). Would you tell us about it?


Zekariyas: The story of using SHIDA on one of my catwalks was very emotional. I wanted to say always thank you to my family who made always sure to teach me my tradition, language, history and support me with everything, to all harbegnatat (Eritrean heroes) who gave me a heritage "free Eritrea" and to those (my fans) who are always supporting me to make the next step. I didn't knowhow and where to start and whom first and whom next to thank. I was thinking and researching on one thing which would make every Eritrean proud. The other important thing was to introduce SHIDA and the story of it to all my non Eritrean friends and fans. I chose SHIDA as :

  Symbol of my Eritreawinet (Eritreanism)
  Proud of my country, my history and my people
  Respect of those who lost their lives for us, the new generation.























Check out the shidas (plastic sandals: symbol of Eritrean resistance)
All pictures are courtesy of Zekaryas Solomon.
Above: Beffta.com

Next, Part II

Friday, January 18, 2013

A conversation with Dr. Amanuel Beyin

Part II





 Dr. Amanuel Beyin at an excavation site.

Issayas: What is the importance and evidences of first human exploitation in the marine resources at the coast of the Red sea such places as Asfet, Gelealo NW, Mise East (the sites where you studied for your PhD research), Abdur  and etc.?

Dr. Amanuel: As we all know, Eritrea was at war during most of the seminal years in the history of archaeological research in East Africa, 1960’s to the 80’s. As such, much of Eritrea’s coastal territories had seen little prior research due to protracted political instability and environmental adversity of the region.  The first archaeological evidence for prehistoric human adaptation along the Eritrea coast has come from the site of Abdur (eastern coast of the Gulf of Zula), where a geological survey in the late 1990’s documented stone tools embedded in a coral reef deposit dating to ~125,000 years ago. The Abdur evidence suggests the presence of coastal adaptation by African hominids along the Red Sea coast prior to the generally accepted date for Homo sapiens dispersal out of Africa. The association of artifacts with oysters, shellfish and terrestrial mammals at Abdur has suggested to researchers a mixed subsistence strategy, involving beach-combing, and hunting terrestrial game along the shorelines of the Gulf.  Stimulated by the Abdur discovery, in May 2005, my adviser and I set out to conduct a pilot archaeological exploration on the southern peripheries of the Gulf of Zula and interior plains of the Buri Peninsula, to further assess the archaeological potential of the landscapes outside of the Abdur proximity. The survey documented more than a dozen sites from near coastal and inland contexts representing different age ranges. In two subsequent field seasons, my team (all Eritreans) conducted intensive survey and excavation at three sites: Asfet, Gelalo NW and Misse East. The Asfet site produced stone tools, based on typological attributes, are believed to date to between 100,000 – 50,000 years ago. The other two sites, Gelalo and Misse produced stone tools in association with mollusk shells (presumably food refuse) dated to between 8000 and 5000 years ago.
















Asfet setting off the coast of the Gulf of Zula




















Gulf of Zula and Buri Peninsula




















Dr. Amanuel surveying
 


















Asfet, Eritrea. 2006.















Asfet

 
Public outreach with local elders at Gelalo.















Eritrean field crew at Gelalo site, Eritrea in 2006.


All in all, the evidence suggests the presence of intermittent human settlement in the area, ranging in age 100,000 - 5000 years ago. The Asfet stone tool assemblage is particularly important because it represents an archaeological culture (referred to as Middle Stone Age) associated with the Homo sapiens populations that are believed to have launched successful dispersal out of Africa. The evidence reinforces the Abdur discovery in confirming the presence of coastal adaptation by African hominids along the Red Sea coast prior to their dispersal out of Africa. Whether the Asfet and Abdur hominids had directly dispersed to Arabia or Eurasia is difficult to prove. It is still possible that these hominids had returned to the hinterlands of the Horn once living around the coast became precarious for any reason, but at least one of the contemporary or descendant hominids must have made the long trek to Asia.  In a broader anthropological context, the evidence attests the degree of our ancestors’ adaptive acuity in occupying such a strategic area where they could maximize their survival chance by exploiting both marine and terrestrial resources. This acuity was a necessary prerequisite for our ancestors’ subsequent evolution into a culturally more complex species, capable of colonizing all of earth’s frontiers…and possibly other planets, soon!

Issayas:  If I am not mistaken, you are studying the stone industries and varied shell types from the above sites in coastal Eritrea to understand the Human behavior, the paleo-environment and paleo-ecology. How does one understand the behavior and why do one need to understand the aforementioned?
 
Dr. Amanuel: Yes, in my dissertation I reported on a thorough description of the stone tool industries documented at the three sites I mentioned above. The results of my work have been published in peer reviewed journals and as a monograph (see a link to my personal website below to find out more about my scholarly work). The paleoenvironmental and paleoecological aspects have not been examined yet. The diversity of stone tools at the sites is quite striking. We have artifacts that look like they were used for butchering, as arrow points and for piercing/slicing purposes. Often times, stone tools represent the most common surviving evidence of human behavior at archaeological sites, not just because they were the only tools humans made, but they preserve better. By virtue of being rocks, they are less susceptible to decomposition and alteration by weathering, unlike wood, hide or fabric, which can easily decay. One way to reconstruct past human behavior using stone tools is by examining the sources of the raw materials used and the design aspects of the final products (variability in shape and size of the tools). Stone tool making requires selecting suitable raw materials and an understanding of the fracture mechanics of each rock type. The Asfet inhabitants utilized about seven rock types, each of which has its advantages and disadvantages. For example, obsidian, a modestly utilized rock at Asfet, is brittle and can produce flakes with sharp edges. However, it is a very dangerous rock during knapping. The sharp flakes and shatters can cut through the skin of one’s hand at a split of a second if you don’t understand how to manipulate it. Other rocks are not as brittle as obsidian, but are safer to manipulate and endure edge damage better (remember those tools can get worn after repeated use). The majority of the rocks utilized at Asfet appear to have been procured from the local exposures, meaning the inhabitants did not transport the raw nodules for longer distances (they were lucky!).

 
















Asfet artifacts

Gelalo and Misse artifacts



















In addition to utilizing a broad range of raw materials, the Asfet humans produced a variety of tools, presumably to meet their daily survival needs. For example, among the common tools we observe at Asfet are the triangular points (see figure), which are usually associated with making arrow points that could be used for hunting. Likewise, while the large almond shaped hand axes are often interpreted as characteristic of meat butchering and scraping activities, the pointed perforators (see figure) are typically associated with piercing and drilling. The younger sites of Gelalo and Misse are characterized by different toolkits, collectively referred to as microliths because of their diminutive nature. These tools appear to have been used as knives and inserts into wooden shafts for making spears. The discovery of abundant stone tools with design aspects indicative of hunting activity and a variety of mollusk shells (large enough to be consumed as food) indicates that the inhabitants of the Eritrean sites employed a broad subsistence strategy, involving hunting terrestrial game and gathering aquatic resources from the shoreline.  By all accounts, we are looking at hunter-gatherers that lived off of the blessings of nature. The same is true of those hominids that spread out of Africa. It took several millennia after these settlements for domestication/agricultural innovations to set off in the region.

Issayas:  How does your study contribute to the current knowledge of the Human evolution researches and dispersal?

Dr. Amanuel: As I mentioned earlier, by virtue of its strategic location along the Red Sea basin (one of the potential dispersal corridors for early humans) and being part of the East African tropical ecosystem (where Homo sapiens are believed to have first appeared), Eritrea represents a critical region of East Africa in the ongoing human origins research. Unfortunately, much of the coastal region had not seen adequate research in the past. This has hindered a well-informed assessment of the contribution of the region to human origins and dispersal theories. The plain question I asked myself when developing the project I described above was: what would be the contribution of Eritrea to human origins and dispersal research?  Of all the sites I examined so far, the Asfet assemblage is particularly important in the context of human origins or dispersal research. As noted above, the assemblage broadly dates to 100,000 – 50,000 years ago, which is a critical period in the evolution and dispersal of anatomically modern humans out of Africa. The evidence exhibits reasonable affinity with northeast African, the Nile Valley and Southern Arabian Middle Stone Age Industries, which means that the inhabitants of Asfet had cultural and biological (?) relationships with the hominids that left cultural and fossil traces in those regions. We do not have hominid fossil remains from Asfet or Abdur yet, but the artifacts are comparable with cultural findings at other East African sites that yielded Homo sapiens fossils (eg. Omo Kibish and Herto in Ethiopia).  While much needs to be done to fully understand the chronological and paleoenvironmental contexts of Asfet, the evidence corroborates the plausibility of the region as a potential refugium and departure point for early human dispersal. Hunter-gatherers successfully adapted to coastal habitats along the Eritrean coast may have served as source populations for the early inhabitants of Arabia and Southeast Asia. Given the paucity of Stone Age record from the western side of the Red Sea basin, the finding provides a much needed reference datasets for future research in the region. Even though there are only a few known coastal sites from the African side of the Red Sea, it is likely the case that the coastal territories of Eritrea and its neighboring regions (Sudan, Somalia and Djibouti) were continuously visited by our early ancestors. Finally, the discovery of the Asfet and Abdur Middle Stone Age sites from the Gulf of Zula attests that numerous sites can be discovered along the African side of the Red Sea basin by future systematic survey.


Issayas: How and when did the first human species spread from the African side of the Red Sea to the Asian side?

Dr. Amanuel: It is not yet well understood as to how exactly early humans dispersed from the African side to the Arabian side of the Red Sea, but there are some hypotheses worth sharing. One hypothesis is that, they may have used canoes or floating rafts to navigate the narrowest section of the basin, which is located across the Strait of Bab el Mandeb. The problem is that wood doesn’t preserve for a long time, so we can’t prove this hypothesis. Alternatively, early humans could have swum the narrow strait during periods of extreme low sea-level-stand. But, given the violent wind currents across the strait, this view does not seem plausible. Others have suggested the presence of episodic land-bridges between the two sides of the basin. There is tangential evidence supporting this view. A recent study of mtDNA variation among southwestern Arabian and Horn of African baboon populations (Papio hamadryas hamadryas) shows that the ancestral lineage of this species originated in the Horn of Africa and entered Arabia in the time range of 200,000 – 80,000 years ago. The striking finding from the study is that the SW Arabian hamadryas baboons are not related to any other baboon populations in the northern parts of Arabia (meaning they don’t have close relatives in the Middle East or northern Arabia). Based on this observation, scientists suspect that the only way the ancestors of the Arabian baboons could have reached the region is via temporary land bridges formed during glacial maxima across the Red Sea (eg. Bab el Mandeb). Hypothetically, the same route or land-bridge that the baboons have used to enter Arabia must have been equally accessible to early modern humans. One caveat with this scenario is that, marine isotopic data shows that the Red Sea has not been severed from the Indian Ocean for the past 400,000 years, which means, either the isotopic data is not picking up some short-lived periods of disconnections between the two bodies of water or there is something else we should know. Perhaps, early humans used no other route except the Sinai land-bridge to disperse out of Africa. Like any other scientific enterprise, the issue of early human dispersal is full of unresolved riddles.























Front cover of Dr. Amanuel's new book.

When did humans reach Arabia? I don’t have a definitive answer to the question, but we know that human ancestors have continuously lived in that region at least for the last one million years. Early humans and their ancestors could have arrived there in waves, through either of the potential routes mentioned above. Based on current genetic evidence, the most successful wave of Homo sapiens migration into Arabia is believed to have occurred ~ 75,000 years ago via the Bab el Mandeb. Some researchers dispute this time frame in favor of earlier dispersal dates. The artifacts from Arabian sites do show close resemblance with their African counterparts, but it is not possible to determine dispersal or arrival events based on cultural affinity alone. One culture can disperse to a new environment after several millennia of its first appearance at the source region. This topic being one of the hotly debated issues in paleoanthropology, I rather not waste the reader’s time with too many conjectures.

Issayas: Thank you for spending time from your busy schedule to answer my questions. Much appreciated.

Dr. Amanuel: Thank you for inviting me to offer my perspectives on this fascinating scientific topic.  

All pictures are courtesy of Dr. Amanuel.

Below are links to various works of Dr. Amanuel and his website.

https://www.sites.google.com/a/asfet.net/amanuelbeyin/

 http://www.usi.edu/libarts/socio/aybeyin.asp

http://www.academia.edu/530870/The_Bab_al_Mandab_vs_the_Nile-Levant_an_appraisal_of_the_two_dispersal_routes_for_early_modern_humans_out_of_Africa

http://www.academia.edu/954543/Early_to_Middle_Holocene_human_adaptations_on_the_Buri_Peninsula_and_Gulf_of_Zula_coastal_lowlands_of_Eritrea


Thursday, January 10, 2013

A conversation with Dr. Amanuel Beyin



Dr. Amanuel  Beyin

Part I

Issayas: Briefly, tell us about yourself.

Dr. Amanuel Beyin : I was born in Eritrea and lived there until I obtained my BA degree in Archaeology from the University of Asmara (UoA) in 2001. Having been born and raised in a countryside (around Segheneiti),
spending one year in Keren, and later moving to Asmara to follow my high school and university educations, I was fortunate enough to get exposure to varied cultural settings at an early stage of my life. I represent the
generation of Eritreans who witnessed Eritrea’s liberation and independence in their early teen years.  I attended high School at the Holy Savior Major Seminary Catholic Congregation in Asmara, and spent two months in Sawa (5th round) for military training before entering the UoA in Fall 1996. The time I spent at the Seminary was exceptionally formative to building the moral fabric and academic aspiration that guided my ensuing life-journey. For my seminal years at the Seminary, I am grateful to the priests for their compassionate mentoring, the teachers who instilled the value of education in my life, and the dynamic classmates with whom I fought spirited competition for class prizes. The times I failed to win a prize still help me appreciate the importance of defeat while learning.

After entering the UoA, I enrolled in the Natural Science stream and my initial inclination was to study Marine Biology. But when the University announced the opening of a new Archaeology Department during the same year I finished my freshman, I decided to study archaeology. My interest in archaeology was spurred by my inherent curiosity about the origin of human civilizations. The simple question of why/how some human groups have developed advanced technology, while others pursue a simple life had always fascinated me since my early days in school. By studying archaeology, I felt that I will have the chance to uncover the hidden mysteries of past human experience. One thing that I enjoy about being an archaeologist is, every artifact that I find connects me with the mindset of ancient people- their worldview and the decisions they made in the course of their life-time (the food they ate, the tools they made …etc).

During my undergraduate study, I participated in several archaeological survey and excavation projects around Asmara. Toward the final semesters of my undergraduate study I became more interested in human origins research or paleoanthropology, after taking a few courses on African prehistory and observed newly discovered stone tools from the Buia site at the National Museum of Eritrea. I completed the course requirements for BA in 2000, but per the UoA’s policy then, all prospective graduates were required to do one year of National Service before their official graduation. For my National Service, I was assigned to the UoA to work as a Graduate Assistant.

While working there, I applied to several graduate schools in the US. Fortunately, Stony Brook University offered me admission and tuition, and I came to the US in August 2001 to pursue graduate study. For the first two years of my graduate work, I received a fellowship (stipend) from the Leakey Foundation, while the rest of my study was supported through Teaching Assistantships from my department - Interdepartmental Doctoral Program in Anthropological Sciences. In 2005 and 2006, I did a pioneering archaeological survey and excavations on the Red Sea coast of Eritrea, around the Gulf of Zula and Buri Peninsula, where my team documented sites dating from ~100,000 – 5000 years ago (some of the results discussed below). I obtained MA (2005) and PhD (2009) degrees in Anthropology from Stony Brook University, and did two years of postdoctoral study at the same institution after receiving my PhD. Currently, I am working as a contract Assistant professor of Anthropology at the University of Southern Indiana, Evansville (USA).

Issayas: What is the importance of Eritrea in the out of Africa hypothesis (The Human dispersal`s out of Africa)?

Dr. Amanuel: Before giving a direct answer to your question, let me address the theoretical context of the issue so that the reader will not miss the broader picture. Fossil, genetic, and archaeological data currently accumulating from sub-Saharan Africa supports an African origin of early modern humans sometime between 200,000 and 150,000 years ago. So far, the oldest cultural traces and fossil remains of early modern humans have been discovered in East Africa, specifically in Ethiopia, Kenya and Tanzania. From the genetic perspectives, African populations display greater genetic diversity compared to others, implying that Africa was populated by Homo sapiens longer than any other continent (older population = more genetic diversity, the same way as an older city would exhibit more architectural diversity compared to a city founded recently). The contentious anthropological question at the present time is; if early modern humans first appeared in East Africa, how did they disperse to the rest of the world? Currently, there are two widely accepted dispersal routes for early modern humans: i) the Northern Route, along the Nile – Sinai land-bridge, and ii) the Southern Route, across the Strait of Bab el Mandeb (gate of tears)- southern end of the Red Sea. Notably, due to its strategic location at the nexus of NE African, Arabian and SW Asian landmasses, the Red Sea basin is emerging as an important region for testing the current dispersal hypotheses.

A less explored, but seemingly a vital region for testing the out of African dispersal hypotheses is the western coastal periphery of the Red Sea basin. This is the only safe corridor for northward human migration during periods of extreme aridity because of the availability of freshwater and access to aquatic food along the coast. During arid climatic conditions, the Sahara desert would have expanded and the Nile dried out, making the Nile Route less hospitable. Likewise, the Strait of Bab el Mandeb would have become narrower during periods of extreme aridity due to global low-sea-level stand, making it easier for African hominids to cross it if they decide to move eastward into Southern Arabia. This hypothesis is gaining momentum at present, partly due to the fact that the Horn of Africa and Arabian Peninsula exhibit similar habitats, thus early humans would have preferred to follow a familiar habitat-zones than moving northward which would have required them to undergo significant physiological and cultural changes to adapt to a temperate climate and the resources there (remember our ancestors first evolved in a tropical region, thus any movement to colder- temperate region would have been demanding). Moreover, recent studies on modern human mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA), have shown closer genetic affinity between some indigenous populations of East Africa and several native groups to Malaysia, Papua New Guinea and Australia.  This pattern has suggested to researchers that early humans may have launched a rapid coast-wise dispersal directly from NE Africa into Arabia (~80,000 – 70,000 years ago) via the Strait of Bab el Mandeb, resulting in the colonization of East Asia and Australia by early humans before western Asia and Europe.



















A background map showing the two potential dispersal routes.

Now back to the leading question: what is the importance of Eritrea in resolving the ongoing debate about human dispersal?

Owing to its strategic geographic position along the western coastal periphery of the Red Sea basin, Eritrea (with its 1,300 km of coastline) would have served as an ideal departure point for early human migrations out of Africa.  Hypothetically, any eastward dispersal via the Bab el Mandeb or northward along the western Red Sea coast would have been preceded by prolonged adaptation on the Horn of African coastal landscapes, such as the Somali, Djiboutian and Eritrean shorelines. That part of Eritrea comprising the Gulf of Zula and Buri Peninsula would have been particularly a magnet for continuous human adaptation due to its strategic location at the northern end of the East African Rift Valley, which is considered to have been a viable corridor for human movements between the interior landscapes and the coastal peripheries. Human groups that successfully settled along the Eritrean coast would have gradually spread southward up to the peripheries of the Bab el Mandeb, from where they would have dispersed eastward across the narrowest part of the Strait into Arabia to avoid competition and resource scarcity on the African side. Likewise, there wouldn’t  have been any conceivable obstacle for northward dispersal of early humans along the Eritrean-Sudanese-Egyptian coastal landscapes. But, as I stated earlier, the genetic data supports the former, even though one can’t rule out the latter. It is against these plausible scenarios that the Eritrean coastal territory is emerging as a critical region to understanding the timing and conditions leading to early human dispersal out of Africa. The next question will highlight the nature of current archaeological evidence from the Eritrean coast.

All pictures are courtesy of Dr. Amanuel.

Next, part two of the conversation continues.

Sunday, December 30, 2012

A conversation with Prof. Ghirmai Negash












Professor Ghirmai Negash
  
Part II

Issayas: Even though Eritrea is one of the few African countries that has its own script, it was not until modern times that the majority of the population (through public and private education, for example) was exposed to reading and writing. Before that reading and writing was confined to the priesthood. Am I correct in that? If so, were there any works written by the  priesthood that you looked into when you did your research to write your first book: "A History of Tigrinya Literature in Eritrea"?

Ghirmai: Yes, there were religious books and shorter treatises that were written by the priesthood, before the arrival of the modern printing press in Eritrea. A significant body of religious literature was written in Geez, the classical and liturgical language of the Orthodox Churches of Eritrea and Ethiopia.Geez language and literature has been often comparably described as the equivalent of Greek and Latin, the classical languages of Europe, and its history and influence on the other languages of our region has truly been massive. We also find some rudimentary writings in Tigrinya, dating to the 17th-18th centuries. For example, there were attempts by European missionaries to print partial translations of the Bible in Tigrinya in the 1820s. The missionaries wrote the language in Latin script. The most significant work in Tigrinya from that period was Dabtara Matewos’s “translation of the Four Gospels.” This book also marks the first appearance of the Tigrinya language in book form, written in Geez alphabet. Dabtara Matewos was assisted by Rev. C. Isenberg in this book project, which was published in Switzerland in 1866. Later, after printing presses
were introduced in Eritrea, by the Catholic Mission in Massawa (1863) and by the Swedish Evangelical Mission in Monkullu (1885), more Tigrinya books were produced locally. After having been moved to Keren in 1879, the printing press of the Catholic Mission was moved to Asmara in 1912. It was the first printing press in East Africa. Today, this press still functions in Asmara under the name “Francescana Printing Press.” The printing press owned by the Swedish Evangelical Mission was moved to Asmara in 1895. In 1896, the press published Dr. K. Winqwist’s “printed version” of the Tigrinya alphabet, which was a major event in the history of the language, as it opened the way for continued publications. It was also this same press that started publishing the first Tigrinya newspaper, MelEkhti Selam (the Message of Peace), the first
printed Tigrinya newspaper, in 1909.




















The second edition of "A History of Tigrinya Literature" published in 2010.


Issayas: I know a lot of Eritreans who like to read history but not fiction.  How would you answer them?

Ghirmai: Outside my children and my students, I don’t think it’s my business to dictate what to read. Even that is not always realistic. I mean to say, it’s good enough as long as people read. Also, there aren’t many Eritreans in the environment I live and, therefore, don’t know whether Eritrean readers prefer history to fiction. I would say though the following in order to answer your question. If, as you say, the Eritreans around you don’t like reading fiction, it is perhaps because they don’t find novels that resonate with their interests. In that case, I would give this counsel by Toni Morrison: “If there’s a book you really want to read but it hasn’t been written yet, then you must write it.”

Issayas: For people who have not read your first book mentioned above, would you give us a thumbnail sketch of the book?

Ghirmai: My first book, A History of Tigrinya Literature in Eritrea, is a critical exploration of the history of Tigrinya literature in Eritrea through the prism of post-colonial theory and also interrogates global theories through indigenous conceptions of literary and aesthetic categories. Regarding its scope and impact on African literary history, this work has been described by one scholar as a “pioneering and thus far only book of its kind on the subject, [and] is a model of what can and should be done for the literature of any African language in any African nation or region” (Charles Cantalupo, 2012), and another scholar, Ali Jemale Ahmed, has called “A History of Tigrinya Literature [is] a must-read for anyone.” Ngugi wa Thiong’o has also said some kind words about the book, which you can read on the blurb of the Africa World Press edition. These are people with established reputations in African literature, and it matters a great deal to me to get such appreciation from them. It is very inspiring.



















Dr. Ghirmai's translation of Dr. Abba Gebreyesus Hailu's novel


Issayas: Now a question about your most recent book. The Conscript: A Novel of Libya's Anti-colonial War is a translation of Dr. Abba Gebreyesus Hailu's novel. Why did you choose this particular book to translate? Who was Dr. Gebreyesus Hailu? What is the significance of the book in the history of Eritrean literature?

Ghirmai: Dr. Gebreyesus Hailu was a Catholic priest. He had a doctorate degree in theology. He was born in 1906 in Afelba, Eritrea, and died in 1993, in Ethiopia. He was a prominent religious and public figure in Eritrea and Ethiopia. He wrote his novel, The Conscript, in 1927, but he was able to publish it only after the demise of Italian colonialism in Eritrea. This makes sense because of the book’s scathing criticism of Italian colonialism. Through its central protagonist, Tuquabo, the novel offers a vivid picture of the predicament of the Eritrean conscripts that went to fight in Libya against the Libyan freedom fighters, while they themselves were under the bondage of colonial Italy. It is a sad story—with the humiliation, defeat, and all that. But Gebreyesus Hailu didn’t write the novel for sentimental reasons. It was because he wanted to give Eritrean readers a critical mirror of what was happening then. Hailu knew very well the European and African universes. He was writing as an “insider-outsider” of both worlds. This stance enabled him to look at the excesses of colonialism without losing sight of "Habesha" complicity in the war. Of course, he sided with his people and hated colonialism, but he also did not shy away from portraying what he saw as the misplaced “heroism” of the Habesha conscripts.  Additionally, the novel is remarkably well written. For me, it is the best writing I have ever read so far in the Tigrinya language. And these are some of the main reasons
why I determined to translate the novel.

To purchase Dr. Ghirmai's books.

http://www.amazon.com/Conscript-Libyas-Anticolonial-African-Writing/dp/0821420232/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1356893831&sr=1-1&keywords=the+conscript

http://www.amazon.com/History-Tigrinya-Literature-Eritrea-1890-1991/dp/1592217524/ref=sr_1_4?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1356893990&sr=1-4

http://www.amazon.com/Contemporary-Eritrean-Poetry-Tigrinya-Arabic/dp/9994800086/ref=sr_1_2?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1356893990&sr=1-2

Issayas: Thank you for your time. Happy Holidays!!

Ghirmai: Thank you for the opportunity.

Monday, December 24, 2012

A conversation with Prof. Ghirmai Negash














Professor Ghirmai Negash


Part I

Issayas: Briefly, would you tell us about yourself?

Dr. Ghirmai Negash: I want to start in Eritrea. I was born and raised in Eritrea. I am a Tigrinya-phone Eritrean. As a child, I attended quite a few elementary schools, including in Idaga-Arby (Asmara), TeraEmni, Adventist Mission School in Asmara, and Haile Selassie Junior Elementary School (Asmara). We moved around a lot then, because my parents had a house in Idaga-Arby and shuttled between Asmara and my father’s birth place in Guila-TeraEmni. I am the fourth child of seven children, most of who have left too soon. My father was an accomplished mechanic, a trade he learned when he was a soldier with the Italian colonial army. He actually fought with the Italians in Gondar, Ethiopia, and he surrendered to the British army when they defeated the Italians there during World War II. My mother had also connections with the Italians. She came to Asmara from her birth place when she was young to work as a cook for an Italian family. She was an intelligent and loving person, and spoke fluent Italian. As a youth I grew up entirely submersed in Tigrinya culture but also listening to my parents’ stories about the Italian period, which I gradually realized was important (among other influences) for my formation and thinking on personal and professional levels.

For secondary school education, I went to Prince Makonnen Secondary School in Asmara. That school is now called “Asmara Comprehensive Secondary School.” After that, I was a student at Haile Selassie I University, in Addis Ababa. When I entered the university, I was aiming to become a medical doctor, although I was interested in writing and had actually written some essays for radio and a high school newspaper. I left the university in 1974, following its closure by the Dergue. After going through some compelling years marked by struggle and exile, I resumed my university education in the Netherlands in the 1980s. In the Netherlands, I studied at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, and received two Masters Degrees in English (1990), and Critical Theory (1991). I earned my PhD in African literature from the department of Critical Theory of Leiden University, the Netherlands in 1999. In terms of my education and life in the Netherlands, I should also add that studying and living there was a turning point for me in both limiting and enabling ways. Having to learn a new language and culture was not easy, but I was also fortunate enough to meet and work with critically-minded Dutch and transnational individuals from different parts of the world, including from Africa, the Caribbean, Iran, and the former Eastern Bloc countries. And I enjoyed living in the lovely city of Amsterdam.

I came to the United States in 2005 to work as an assistant professor of English and assistant director of the Institute of the African Child, African Studies Program, in Ohio University. Currently, I am a tenured full professor of English & African Literature in the Department of English, and Associate Director of African  Studies Program , at Ohio University. Previous to my current position, I had worked and studied at Leiden University, the Netherlands (1994-2001), and I was the chair of the Department of Eritrean Languages and Literature at the University of Asmara (2001-2005).



















The first book that came out from Dr. Ghirmai's PhD dissertation in 1999.

I have written a few books and articles. My first book was A History of Tigrinya Literature in Eritrea: The Oral and the Written 1890-1991. It came out from my dissertation and was published by Leiden University in 1999.  This book has been re-published by Africa World Press for the North American market in 2011.  Since the publication of A History of Tigrinya Literature, my academic interests have ranged widely, from research in orality, to Eritrean and South African fiction, to translation works from indigenous African language(s) into English. The result has culminated in the publication of several articles in reviewed journals and three books, The Freedom of the Writer (in Tigrinya), Who Needs a Story? as well as a translation of Gebreyesus Hailu’s novel, The Conscript. Currently, I am co-editing a volume consisting of keynote lectures and essays, which came out of the 37th Annual African Literature Association Conference, which I hosted in 2011 at Ohio University as the principal convener. In subsequent projects, while carrying my interest in Horn of Africa literatures, I plan to focus more on intersections between postcolonial and transnational literatures. I am also interested in exploring thematic concerns between African-language and European-language African literatures, for I believe that it is important for us to understand both the ruptures and the continuities between tradition and modernity.

Issayas: Given your work on Eritrean literature, what would you say is the purpose of literature in a society like Eritrea?

Ghirmai Negash: This deceptively simple question is difficult to answer. That is because the idea of literature and its function is complex as its characterization and role can be defined using different analytical models, which, in turn, are themselves defined by time and location. As far as I am concerned, Eritrea has beautiful
people and beautiful culture. It has also a long history of suffering and oppression coming from both external and internal forces. So, while acknowledging that the  role of literature in Eritrea, like in any other society, would be (and should be) different in different circumstances, at the moment I personally am interested
in Eritrean writing that is uncompromisingly beautiful and political at the same time. I truly believe that the country needs talented writers that are capable of  portraying “the slings and arrows of outrageous misfortune” that have shaped the people’s history. As you know of course, I am referring to Shakespeare here.  But, when you think of it, this is also precisely what the concerns of some of our greatest writers have been. Think of the works of Alemseged Tesfai or Beyene Haile or Gebreyesus Hailu. The strength of their stories derives from the authors’ ability to write beautifully about the ‘slings and arrows of our misfortune’, our peoples’ determination, and hope. Remember also that that’s why these three writers are known and/or read transnationally. Remember, too, that in the Eritrean context the idea that literature should serve exclusive political or ideological interests philosophically contradicts the very notion of art as a fundamental right of human expression.

Next, part II

Friday, December 7, 2012

From Eritrea's Files


 from Eritrea's files

 



Did you know that:

Eritrean General Union of Labor was one of the first organized labor unions south of the Sahara. It was formed in December 1942.

Artifacts from 7th Century China was found at the Eritrean port of Badi (Batse'h/Massawa)







Saturday, December 1, 2012

Example of Eritrea's softpower


I've been looking into Eritrea's soft power for the last couple of years. A recent publication entitled "Eritrea Art Time" is an example of the aforementioned.

Here is the link:

 http://www.eritreartime.com/







Wednesday, November 21, 2012

A conversation with author and poet, Emilio De Luigi

PART IV (FINAL)

Issayas: As you know Eritrea is an old country . The National Museum of Eritrea states that there are 80,000 historical/archeological and paleontological sites in Eritrea. It has lots of rock paintings that are scattered all over the place. You mentioned  in your book that you found a cave (traces that may go back to prehistory) outside Asmara  whose wall was covered with pictures of hands. Do you remeber the name or the location?

Emilio: I am not sure about the name of the area, it could be Sembel. But I can tell you this: it was in an area on the opposite side of the city respect to the highway going down to Nefasit and then to Massawa. So, it must be roughly on the west side of the city. To reach the area, I usually took the road going up to the American Base. It was a very small cave. The paintings were represented exclusively by imprint of hands. When you entered the cave, the paints were on your left. I went there three times. The last time I went with a friend of mine that knew a bit more than me on prehistoric Eritrea, and he told me that they were probably of the same type and the same age of similar hands imprints found in the Sahel and the Sahara Desert. The last time we were there we cleaned the cave, because the floor was full of empty cans and other waste. Lonely persons, I was told by people of the nearby village, were sometimes taking refuge in the cave and they were warming themselves with a small fire, traces of which were visible. We also spoke to one of the elders of the nearby village recommending to him to explain to the children that the cave was an important testimonial of the Eritrean past. I can't remember if there is any mention  of the cave in the book "Guida dell' Eritrea"
published before WWII by the Touring Club Italiano (a precious book for the quantities of information on the territory).











Emilio two weeks before his escape in 1976.

Issayas:  In your book, there are lots of philosophical discussions with the fighters  who were helping you. What I gathered from reading about it, it feels  that the discussions were open and honest. Am I correct in thinking that?

Emilio: Discussions came spontaneously and  frequently because we didn't have much else to do. But they were mostly limited to a few people. As I said in the initial part of this interview, people of all walks of life had joined the EPLF, so most of them only spoke Tigrigna. But I met several educated folks along the way, like Fasil the accountant, first in Durfò and then in Fah. I also met a lawyer, and I met a veterinary doctor I already knew in Asmara, where he had an excellent rank in the Ministry of Agriculture. In Durfò I also met a woman fighter, Freinì. She was very much a reserved woman, but she was an educated person. When I was about to reach Fah, in a campsite where we were parked for a few days I also met people in charge of security, a couple of local commanders, and a man who looked like a politician. All those people spoke English. The discussions were normally originated by what was happening around us. Many times we discussed the political situation of the country. The fighters were never forgetting  their main aim of fighting the Ethiopians to build a free, modern society. Position of women in the future new Eritrea was also discussed. There was a variety of opinions on that subject. Another subject that frequently came up was the economy.

In the book, I have put those discussions that seemed to me more meaningful. For example, I described how one early morning a large number of children passed by, and from that we initiated a long conversation on education and aims in life that came back a few times around the campfire. Nobody seemed worried about respecting some ideological principles. As far as I could say, there were no  "official opinions" stressed or exalted. They were sincere.

Issayas: Also  how were you able to remember all those discussions?

Emilio: Well, Issayas, think of this: When I left Asmara, at forty five years of age I had to abandon my work, my house, and more than anything else a country I was in love with; in short I was leaving behind all my achievements, all the positive things I had won in twenty years of hard work. I had to go to Italy, I knew very little of that country, and there I had to start my life again. From scratch. Synthetically, I was a desperate. I plunged in a world of hardship where there were people that had lost or abandoned every thing they had! Nothing different from my own situation. But they were looking at their future with an inner smile, because they knew in their hearts  that eventually they would have built their free country, all new, enthusiastic, capable of aiming high! How could I have not learned from them? And how could I possibly have forgotten their words, and the greatness of their their example? You know, I may be boring and repetitive, but the feelings expressed around me,
and the behavior of the Eritrean fighters, were revealing that they were motivated by two wonderful drives: First of all, dedication. They were all doing things, many times hard and difficult, because they wanted to. They didn't need to be told.They didn't need surveillance. Therefore they were accustomed to operate with a large margin of freedom. Second thing, faith in themselves. They believed in their purpose, they had absolutely no doubt about the end result of their struggle.

In the field, I kept making comparison with the ugly atmosphere of depression, suspicion, fear, frustration, and worries about the future that was predominant in Asmara. The  rebels' society kept marveling me, because individual danger there was probably 100 times what it was in Asmara, but nobody seemed really worried or depressed.



Emilio's escape route with the help of the EPLF

Issayas:  Before he died, your father refused to leave Asmara while most of the Italians who resided in Eritrea were leaving?  Why?

Emilio: As I explained in the book, my father was an old fashioned man. Dedicated to his family, he was an old socialist, very attached to his job. When the civil war exploded in Asmara,  he told to the staff to leave their work, but didn't want the office to be abandoned. So he stayed.

Issayas: As you know Eritrea is blessed with the pristine sea life. As you mentioned in your book,  Luciano Perino established a tropical fish trade (a business venture which was unheard of  in Eritrea at that time) and was very successful at that. He had a business who had 50 employees who knew all the fish by their Latin names. It's an incredible story, I won't go into detail here, but I wish he could go and re-establish the same business in Eritrea (since the business investment opportunities
are good). Given the age and health factors, do you think former Eritrea resident Italians would go back and establish businesses?

Emilio: Luciano Perino managed to rebuild his business in the Hawaii, where he still lives. Due to the age, I don't think he would go back. As for the old Italian entrepreneurs, they are too old! But their children keep in touch with Eritrea, where they regularly go for tourism. For them Eritrea is the true homeland. They also promote local charities. For example, St. Francis Institute for Hoteliers in Massawa has been patiently built by Father Delfino Protasio over the years, with the money raised by former Italian residents of Asmara and Addis Abeba. Other Italians, former  residents of Asmara, support local schools in the city, or in remote rural areas. All small repayments for the hospitality, the opportunities, the possibilities of life and economic achievements that Eritrea has offered to so many Italians.

Issayas: Leaving the details for people to read, the stories of  Drs. Mario and Nino Daolio and Lorenzo Saliviati was courageous and incredible. Where are they now?

Emilio: Dr. Nino Daolio passed away in 2001.Dr. Mario Daolio lives in Italy, near Conegliano Veneto. Lorenzo Salviati is an invented name, The doctor was afraid to have problem, because he works for an international company and he was deeply involved with the Eritrean Fighters and didn't want this to be known. He works in Europe, has great mobility because of his work. I have no contact with him since I asked him if I could use his name in my book. I suspect he has still part of the family in Ethiopia.

Issayas: You mentioned that you met (briefly) Issayas Afeworki during your escape in 1976.The fighters told you who he was after he left. What were you thoughts after they told you that?

Emilio: I was not too much surprised. The fighters on the fields didn't have real division of work at the "operative" level, even though obviously there were ranks. He was following with great attention our conversation, but he never spoke. I remember that we were chatting with an Eritrean pilot who avoided participating to the war in Eritrea landing in Somalia, where in any event after landing he crashed the plane to avoid its use by the Somalis. He managed to reach the fighters.

Issayas:  Emilio, thank you for conducting this interview.

Emilio: You're welcome.

Saturday, November 10, 2012

A conversation with author and poet, Emilio De Luigi

Part III

Issayas: I like the way you wrote the book. Congratulations! Your book reads like a film. The people are real. Your description is so vivid, that one smells the dirt, even though one is reading a book. I also like the way you narrate your story. One could have a good story, but if the narrative style is bad, the story gets buried. However, your narrative is great. You start with the present (for example, discussion you had with your granddaughter) and then you go back to the past in flashbacks. Did you do it as a style? 

Emilio: At the beginning the reason of this “style” has been mostly practical, even if I soon realized that I liked the alternation of present and past. I had a lot of episodes to tell about the civil war and the trip to Sudan, but also I recalled many other stories that I had told around the campfire to my fellow refugees escaping with me from Asmara, and to the fighters that traveled with us. This abundance of storytelling hours was mainly the consequence of the way we made our journey: Usually we traveled only during the night, because the Ethiopian air force didn’t fly after dusk; and then we had to hide under the trees or in the shadows of big boulders during the entire day. Add that we were sometimes forced to stay put in a place, waiting for the Army to leave the areas we had to cross. So for long hours, and frequently for days and days, everybody had plenty of time to tell his or her stories. Mostly this happened to me in the Durfó valley, in the area of Mersa Culcub, in Fah, in Karora, in Tokar in the south of Sudan. To balance a bit the various parts  of my book, I decided to put some of the stories in the "contemporary part", even if they had been narrated during the trip.

Issayas: Reading through the book, your granddaughter keeps pushing you to tell your story. This is really remarkable because she is very young, but also in this time and age of iPad and other gadgets, I suppose she really has conversations with you. Am I correct?

Emilio: Lots of conversations! Still the situation is similar, but not as much as when I wrote the book. She is now almost 17, and is every day more and more immersed in her world of North American teenager.

Issayas: Have you ever thought that Eritrea would get its independence in your lifetime?

Emilio: After a couple of weeks in the "field", I realized that most probably Eritrea would have become an independent country. In fact I could now compare the steely determination of the fighters with the low morale of the troops on the Ethiopian Government side. I soon realized that the fighters were not what the Ethiopian propaganda in Asmara was daily proclaiming, lying to us, that the fighters were just a bunch of outlaws (bandits)  dedicated to sporadic and disorganized assaults to the Army, within and without the city perimeter. In reality, in just few days I discovered that the fighters were a well-structured organization, with proper military ranks, strategic points in the territory, deposits of weapons and food, and a capillary, efficient network that included the cities, i.e. Asmara, Addi Ugri, Ghinda, Kheren etc. Also, I discovered that the majority  of the fighters were people that had abandoned their work, sometimes in excellent positions, and their families, to join the Eritrean People Liberation Front because they all had that big dream, the freedom of their country. On the contrary the Ethiopian Army was made of people  from the most remote areas of Ethiopia, selected by the Army on purpose, to keep them well distant from the Eritrean population. They didn't speak the language, they were mostly poor uneducated farmers, and they were looked at with great disdain by the Eritreans.But the most important thing was that the Ethiopian soldiers didn't believe in what they were doing! Menghistu had betrayed them too; he had shattered their dream of freedom and peace that all populations throughout the Empire were longing for. The Ethiopian soldiers felt isolated, and were suspicious of everyone. To be added that the Ethiopian Army in Eritrea was a big one, quite heavy on the territory. Not so the fighters, that would even abstain from buying anything where they were, if they thought that this would have increased the prices, or reduced the availability of food for the local population. But all this is described in greater details in the book.





















Emilio's escape route with the help of EPLF

Issayas: When you were traveling during your escape, reading the book I felt that you had visited places before, most of the places, if not all. For example, Fil Fil and other places. Is that right?

Emilio:Yes, it is. In Eritrea for years and years I had been around a lot, mostly with friends that were hunters, even if I have never been a hunter (I always refused to buy a rifle). So I knew all the territory from Asmara to Agordat and Barentú, but short of Tessenei; from Asmara to Addi Caieh, and from Asmara to Massawa. Also, I had visited several times the entire coastline from Massawa to Mersa Fatma, Mersa Culculb, up to Mersa Teclai, near the Sudanese border. In the other direction, south wise, I knew the territory from Massawa to the Buri Peninsula, but short of Adulis; and up the mountains to Coaitò, and beyond it to Axum. I also knew many places in the Saberguma, Solomona, Ailet, and Dongollò areas. From Asmara toward North-East I had visited several times the farms in the Filfil valleys, along the mountains up to Addisghi and beyond, but short of the Rore highlands (it was too isolated at the time, and not so friendly). I also made several times long trips beyond Cheren in the direction of the huge expanse of the territory down to the Red Sea.

Issayas: You are also a great poet. I read your book of poetry "Once Upon a Time in Africa". The poems were originally written in Italian in the 1960's. You wrote down poems of places where you have resided, or that you visited. They are all great poems. Even though you have a lot of poems about Asmara, Assab, Addis Abeba, Woliso, Sebeta and other places, I'm curious as to why you have not written about Massawa(since you lived and went to school there). Also you have written about Agordat, Sebarguma, Dongolo, Danakil and Debre Sina. Agordat got two long poems. What was it about Agordat that tickled your pen?

Emilio: Saberguma and Solomona were like Agordat, even if not so majestic. Debre Sina, perched on the edge of the highland, was the place where the greatness of the land, so vastly open in front my eyes, was almost scary. I can't explain why I didn't write anything about Massawa. Most probably because when I resided there I was too young. But Massawa has remained very dear to me, because I spent there my early years, the best part of my entire life. I knew all corners of that strange city. I will remember forever its wind gusts, loaded of the salty, foul smell of the water in the bad corners of the port where it gathers discharged oil, grease, gasoline, empty boxes, algae, dead fish and rotten branches. A smell that I rediscovered only in Port Sudan; I can still see in my mind its long causeways connecting Massawa island to Taulud island, and Taulud to Otumlo and Moncullo.

During the night those causeways have so many illuminated street lamps,lined up on their edge curbs and reflecting on the calm waves, that they make the port shining and looking from a distance as if it were a clean and vibrant resort. But in the same time,and for me is not a contradiction, Massawa has always been for me the best symbol of all decrepit things. Because no matter the numerous repairs, all buildings there appear like run-down and rusty. Even the many small boats that were at that time everywhere, looked always patched and in need of new paint. If a brand new boat was added to the flock, six months were enough to make it look old.

Agordat! Agordat for me is still the real symbol of Africa. I went there regularly with my uncle. He had been able to obtain in Italy, after a long fight, an authorization extending to Eritrea the monopolistic privileges that Somalia, as an ex colony, had obtained in the supply of bananas to the Italian market. With that precious authorization in his hands, my uncle went to Agordat and with the help of De Nadai, at the time a big name in the Eritrean agriculture, he created a cooperative among farmers for the export of the bananas, and then of fresh vegetables. My uncle lived in Agordat 8 months a year. I was his steady travel companion. This went on for years.

We had to go around a lot, visiting the various farms along the big Barca and Setit rivers. It was a fascinating life for me, and my longing for the Eritrean lowlands that afterwards never left me, was built up during those wonderful years. I described that in my book, in particular of how I felt an acute yearning every time I had to go back to the highlands, or back to Italy for the University. In Rome, around June, every year  I started counting the days to my return to Eritrea! Not that life in Agordat was an easy one! On the contrary, it was rather hard, with constant heat, lots of insects, ruthless sunshine and hours and hours spent in the car or walking around in the countryside. 

Many times I had also daring experiences with sudden floods, overturned cars, trucks stuck in the sand or the mud, boiling radiators and worn out tires..one day even we risked our lives for a huge near-stampede of cattle, scared by the appearance of a wild animal. But the great  things of the lowlands always let me forget the dangers. Nature is quite severe there, but it is also fascinating.During the rainy season, sunsets are really beautiful in the lowlands and totally different from the crazy and spectacular sunsets you can see in Asmara. Human element also was fascinating in Agordat. In the market I found the most unusual people.  It was wonderfully exciting to see- and identify by their appearance– members of the various local tribes, like the fierce and menacing Adendoah shepherds, the beautiful Beni -Amer girls, the poor Mariah, from both the Red and the Black tribes and the peaceful Cunama. 
 



 















Front cover of Emilio's book of poems.
 

















Back cover of Emilio's book of poems.
 
 Samples  of Emilio's poems:

Le Gallinelle

Una traccia de bellezza
in un letto di notte.

Piana di Saberguma, Eritrea (1954?)


The Pleidades

A hint of beauty
in a bed of night.

Saberguma Plains, Eritrea (1954?)

Now I wake

Now I see well:
my hearing
is sharp
my heart strong.
I have no illusions.

I disentangle my days
with the calm of a caterpillar.

Asmara, March 23, 1961

Possession

I know
the secret of your eyes.
I alone,
the sweetness of your cheek.

Asmara, 21 April, 1961

My homeland

In the dark chorus
of the powerful Dums
stretching on rivers that offer
a sandy bed to the moon;

in the open silences
of plains shivering in the heat;
in the fleeting harmony
of the Ariels;
in the heights of clouds
blazing above the migrating sun,
all my being appeases:

because they all
taught me the truth,
making me feel
humble,
but immense;
immersed
in the flow of time.

Agordat, 1961
(In Eritrea, Dum is the name of a tall, nut carrying palm tree. Ariel is the Grant's gazelle)

Next,  final part of my conversation.

Friday, November 2, 2012

A Conversation with author and poet Emilio De Luigi

Part Two



                                              
                                                                           










Author and Poet Emilio De Luigi

Issayas: You mentioned that the Italians (at least the ones at the Italian hospital in Asmara) sided with the Eritrean liberation fighters?  Why do you think it was so? Since you also lived in Ethiopia for many years, can you say the Italians' sentiment in Addis Abeba or Ethiopia was the same as their counterparts in Asmara/Eritrea?

Emilio: I analyzed in depth that attitude in my book. I found five reasons:

First reason: Fundamentally the Italians who went to Africa were not racists. You can detect that in one fact: the abundance of mixed families in Asmara and Addis Abeba. The ""African branch" of my family still in Ethiopia is half cast. Not too many Italian families in Addis or Asmara had no half cast members. In British colonies half cast were exceptional. Therefore in Eritrea and Addis Abeba the blood connection generated its level of solidarity.

Second reason: The Italians considered Eritrea much more "modern" than Ethiopia. When Hailè Sellassiè had the disastrous idea of annexing Eritrea, the Italians immediately sided with the Eritreans. For the Italians literally it was the case of a modern country overtaken by a less progressed one. Please note that for both the Eritreans and the Italians Ethiopia was the "colony", economically and professionally speaking. For the Eritreans, for the excellent job opportunities offered by Addis Abeba; for the Italians, for the market it represented for the products of their industries. But both Eritreans and Italians never considered Ethiopia a desirable ruler.

Third reason: the brutality of the Ethiopian repression. Menghistu massacres in Addis Abeba have been probably bigger, but in Eritrea they were far more "visible" and they were always reprisals. Italians are emotional people, with  a very, very strong sense of family. The Italian factory owners lost workers they had since years, the Italian housewives had cooks and maids that came to work weeping for a lost child or husband or father. The Italian doctors in the hospital had to operate during long hours on Eritreans young and old, maimed by Ethiopian soldiers who, sometimes badly beaten in the countryside by the Eritrean fighters, took revenge in the the streets of Asmara shooting the passerby for no tangible reason. All this had an enormous impact on the Italians, making them strong allies of the Eritreans. From this came the steady help that secretly flew from the hospitals to the fields, the hiding of young Eritreans in Italian houses, the open doors policy of the Catholic and non Catholic Churches and Convents during the tremendous days of Ethiopian revenges.

Fourth reason: the Italians were proud of their participation in the Eritrean economy and the prosperity it brought to everyone, because Italians were deeply involved in the industry and agriculture. In those days, just before Menghistu sized power, Eritrea was strongly exporting 12 months a year fresh vegetables and fruits to Italy, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, the Gulf Emirates. Since years Eritrea was also exporting canned meat, egg yolk, oil seeds,  beans, beer, wine, tropical fish, hides, printed materials etc.. All products of hundreds of small industries, many run by Italians. All this vanished in days, for the absurd policy of universal nationalizations practiced by Menghistu (suddenly converted to Communism), soon forcing all industries and farms to shut down for lack of management, killing tens of thousands of well paid jobs in the industry and agriculture.

Fifth reason: Italians, particularly the ones grown in Eritrea, had a good economic standing, or at least stability. They didn't want to lose all that, but it was all taken away by the nationalization. The perspective of a free Eritrea was a hope of salvaging a lifetime of dedication to the economy of Eritrea. The attitude of the Italian community in in Addis Abeba was practically the same as it was  in Asmara.

Issayas: It was through Dr. Mario Daolio's (an Italian physician who lived in Asmara) contact that you were able to meet up with the EPLF. You acknowledge Dr. Mario for letting you use his real name in the book. Where is he now? When did he leave Eritrea and has he been back to Eritrea since its independence?

Emilio:  Dr. Mario Daolio lives in Italy, near Venice. He was informed, as 99% of the people I mentioned in the book, of my intention of telling the story of his generous help to me. I don't know when he went to Italy.  As far as I know, he never returned to Asmara.

Next, the conversation continues.